303sqn

https://www.ebay.co.uk/itm/165128517323?mkevt=1&mkcid=1&mkrid=710-53481-19255-0&campid=5338757644&toolid=20006&customid=b3825e6ce3685ffbaa51dd4362893325&_trkparms=ispr%3D1&amdata=enc%3A1vSVhwV7eR7W29RGj8FWttA38 It is car touch up paint but you should be able to thin it and use it on a model.

Grey.

DTD63 was a cellulose enamel with a gloss finish. DTD83 was cellulose finish for doping fabric. DTD308 was a cellulose finish for direct application to metal or wood, matt. In 1942 it was absorbed into DTD83 and supplies of all the colours discontinued apart from the two grey primers. DTD314 was an oil based synthetic finish, matt. DTD260 was pigmented oil varnish for metals and wood, gloss. Synthetic? The colour was to be one of the BS381 colours. DTD420 was a special finish containing resin and lanolin for flying boats. DTD441 a distemper finish readily removable with hot water. DTD517 was a quick drying synthetic finish introduced during the war applied by the factories which needed to be heated with infra-red lamps. It was to be maintained with DTD314.

Still available from the publishers although now a bit pricy. https://www.guidelinepublications.co.uk/index.php?GOTO=140&PICFILE=140&STKNR=140&STRH=&ORDN=&RNZ=695752&THISVIEWMODE=2&SUPPLIER=&FINDRETR=&WIDENET=&CATEGORY=4&SUB=1&VWW=1&VANCE=99

There are very few photographs of 307’s Defiants and no wartime photograph of N1671. Some new photographs have turned up in recent years that shed some light on the schemes that 307’s Defiants were painted. The most up to date information can be found in the MMP book Polish Fighter Colours 1939-1947 Vol2. There is only one photograph that shows a serial number. It turned up a few years ago. The photograph is good quality, shows in profile Defiant EW.A N1684. In the TLS. No yellow tips on the propeller blades, fin flashes go all the way up to the base of the rudder. It is said to have been taken at Jurby. Many, including myself, were sceptical about this and thought it most likely was Kirton-in-Lindsey. However, I have now had to revise my opinion. There are two photographs of another defiant in the TLS coded K. Interstingly it had a two colour spinner as seen on 264 Squadron Defiants. According to Polish Fighter Colours they were taken on 14th December 1940 at Jurby. So it would appear that 307s Defiants were still in the original factory/delivery finish until at least the middle of December. In theory at this time they should have had Sky tail bands and black port under wings. It looks like this never happened. At this time it was not certain that 307 Squadron would become a night fighter squadron. There was a good deal of scepticism within No 9 Group of their capabilities and the Squadron had been sent to Jurby for convoy protection and other coastal patrol duties. There were serious maintenance problems at Jurby. Lack of Defiant spares and tools severely affected serviceability. Official misgivings came to the surface on 30 November when a message from No. 9 Group advised the Squadron was to train “for day operational state and not for night operations.” Under these circumstances it may have been some time before their aircraft were repainted. In his book, Boulton Paul Defiant, Mark Ansell says “A mixture of schemes resulted until repainting became practical. “ On 6th January 1941 confirmation was finally received from No 9 Group that the Squadron would be switched to night operations as originally intended. They advised that a detachment of five improved Defiants, fitted with VHF R/T radios, would operate from Squires Gate from 9th January, providing night defence for the Liverpool area. On 12th January notification was received that the whole Squadron was to be provided with VHF radio-equipped Defiants and would move to Squires Gate on 20th January. On 14th January N1671 with three other Defiants went to No 6 MU Brize Norton for fitting of VHF and IFF. N1671 did not return to the Squadron until 13 March 1941 at Squires Gate. I recall there was some controversy in the past as to the correct codes for N1671. It was suggested that they should be EW*W. Did N1671 still have it previous codes after an absence of two months? Perhaps this is the origin of the controversy; N1671 was coded differently at different times with 307 Squadron? On 6th and 7th January five modified Defiants equipped with VHF (N3315, N3435, N3391, N1809, N3401) were sent from Jurby to Squires Gate. These were the first of the squadron’s Defiants to be painted overall Night and to have the Polish national marking. Some sources state that 307 Defiants had only their undersides painted Night. There is a photograph in Polish Fighter Colours, apparently code I, painted that way. As the personel in the photograph are wearing only shorts it must have been taken ion a hot day in late spring/summer at Exeter. There are at least three photographs of N3437, EW.K. The two gentlemen sitting on the wheel are Sergeants Karais on the left and Jankowiak on the right. They were taken at the end of April 1941 at Exeter. IIRC they were obtained in the 1990s from former girlfriends. It is uncertain if it had only the under sides painted night. The codes have rather thin strokes. There is another photo of a Defiant coded E or F, all over Night, with the same style of codes. There are also photos of 307 Defiants, all over Night, with ‘normal’ looking codes.

This might be of interest. See last post. https://www.key.aero/forum/historic-aviation/68475-spitfire-wing-types-revisited

W3765 was finished at the factory in the Temperate Land. Repainted Day Fighter at 37 MU. Less than a dozen LF.Vs were built as such at the factory, most were conversions, late 1943 and 1944. W3765 went to Scottish Aviation 9/1143. Perhaps that was to be converted? Common for LF convertions to feature clipped wings, late style (Mk IX) exhausts and elevators. 302 Squadron code 'F'.

There are some photo of it in Polish Wings 29 Spitfire Mk V vol. 1. pages 27 to 29. and again 40 - 41. This is 'Krysia' RFoK.

I think this is from Paul Lucas PR Hurricanes converted in Egypt. These Hurricanes are thought to have been camouflaged in a very dark blue colour which was even darker than the Blue used in the National markings. This colour is said to have been mixed from 5 gallons of an ICI colour called 'Bosun blue' to which was added 3Ib Black pigment and 16lb of Zinc powder and turpentine. The resulting colour has been described as 'Royal blue' which was fractionally darker than FS 35109. The same colour is thought to have been applied to the Hurricane PR Mk lls converted during late 1942 to early 1943, many of which subsequently went to No 3 PRU in India.

It was a fairly common practice to enter the aircraft letter and digits of the serial number in ORBs and logbooks. This book has lists of Polish squadrons Hurricanes with aircraft letter, serial number and dates. https://mmpbooks.com/shop2/polskie-skrzydla-no-4-hawker-hurricane-in-paf-.html

The idea was Dowding’s. He wrote to the Air Ministry in May 1937 suggesting that the underside of one of the wings be painted in dull black. The idea was that in what ever degree of light this arrangement was likely to be viewed, it would always present a characteristic part coloured appearance to the observer. Now the AM have certain degree of intelligence and do not adopt schemes on whim, they carry out experiments and trials to access them as to their effectiveness. So after some due consideration permission for trials to begin was granted in July 1937. Trials were carried out at North Weald on biplane fighters with underside of one wing painted black and the other white. Although the experiment was considered to have had mixed results the overall conclusion was that it had been a success

To enable the Observer Corps to distinguish and track friendly aircraft. Radar could only look forward. Once German aircraft had crossed the coast it was the Observer Corps that had to track and report their position.

About a year ago I was in Derby with time to kill so I visited the newly opened Museum of Making. There I came across a rather intriguing exhibit, model steam engine and carriage painted entirely with Gas Detection Paint. I think the label said it was done by the Rolls Royce Civil Defence Committee or something like that. There was no explanation of why they had done it. Were they thinking of painting entire trains with it? Anyway the colour was something like pale lime green. Calling it Gas Detection Paint is very misleading and has led to a lot of misunderstanding about its purpose and the invention of a lot of bunkum. The most important thing to understand about Gas detection paint is that it does not react to gases or vapours. It only reacts on contact with liquids. Its purpose was to warn of contamination by mustard gas. The US Army stores lists it as M5 Liquid Vesicant Detector Paint which is the correct description. Mustard gas is a liquid vesicant. Vesicants are irritants that cause blistering, externally or internally. The paint turned slightly red with chloropicrin, dark blue with diphosgene, red with mustard gas. Phosgene, a gas, was used early in WW I but was soon replaced with diphosgene which as a colourless liquid is easier to handle. Gas Detector Paint No.2 was a similar material but coloured khaki. You may wish to discontinue at this point as it’s going to get very technical. The WWII Gas Detector Paint consisted of yellow pigment, White Spirit, Gold Size and Mixture B1. B1 is an index name for a blue azo dye, Para-nitrophenyl-azo-beta-naphthlamine, can also be written Para-nitrophenyl-azo-β-naphthlamine. These days numbers are used Greek letters are not used so would be written. Para-nitrophenyl-azo-2-naphthlamine. Index names are commonly used with dyes as they can have extremely complicated chemical names. There are a number of naming conventions used for organic compounds, these days the most common used is the International Union of Pure and Applied Chemistry which gives the dye the name: 1-[(4-nitrophenyl)azo]naphthalen-2-amine CAS No 3025-77-2, C.I. Solvent Red 5. https://www.chemicalbook.com/ChemicalProductProperty_EN_CB8919533.htm A CAS Registry Number, also referred to as CASRN or CAS Number, is a unique numerical identifier assigned by the Chemical Abstracts Service (CAS) to every chemical substance described in the open scientific literature (currently including those described from at least 1957 through the present), including organic and inorganic compounds, minerals, … Colour Index is a compendium of dyes. In the U.K. the colour Index was prepared by the Society of Dyers and Colourists, while in USA it is done by American Association of Textile Chemists and Colorists. Properties and Applications:dark blue light red to dark red light purple. From ethanol crystallized as a golden needle crystal, melting point 185.5 ℃ soluble in ethanol, acetone and toluene. In concentrated sulphuric acid red light blue, dilution magenta to red solution, there is red brown precipitation; In concentrated sodium hydroxide solution insoluble. Dull reddish blue to reddish violet solid or dark maroon powder. Solvent dyes are soluble in organic solvents but not usually water. They are used for colouring fuel, candle wax, polishes and so on. If it seems strange that a blue dye should be named/described as red, there is an episode of Food Unwrapped where it was shown that many blue dyes are in the light spectrum dark red. The paint was manufactured in large quantities in WWII and found everywhere, painted on walls and buildings, on boards stapled to stakes and even the tops of post boxes. The greatest user was the army who painted it on their vehicles. Soldiers of the Polish 1st Corps used it to paint eagles on their helmets. Those white stars in a circle painted on army vehicles, the segments between the arms of the star were painted with detector paint. See: https://www.warhistoryonline.com/news/jeep-post-war-renovation.html?firefox=1 Mustard gas is a generic name for close to a dozen related cytotoxic and vesicant (blister forming) chemical compounds with long IUPAC (International Union of Pure and Applied Chemistry) names. It is not a gas, it is a liquid that is deployed as an aerosol (with other chemicals), either by spraying or dispersal by munitions. While gas will soon be dispersed and at the mercy of the wind, mustard is heavier than air and will fall downwards and collect in hollows and contaminate the whole area. It will remain active for days, even weeks making it a popular choice of chemical agent. It is known to have persisted in soil for years. Gas masks or respirators alone are not a good defence against mustard as it is soluble in lipids (fats) and so easily absorbed by the skin. It will also penetrate clothing. It is considered to be an incapacitating agent (there's a euphemism). There was 1% fatality to those exposed to it. However, it is also a mutant and carcinogen and will still get you 25 years later. People exposed to mustard seldom exhibit immediate symptoms. Within 24 hours of exposure skin irritation and severe itching occur, followed by the gradual formation of large blisters filled with yellow fluid wherever the agent has contacted the skin. Mustard burns heal slowly and as with other types of burn there is a risk of sepsis. Mustard gas is very slowly decomposed (hydrolysed) by water, owing to its very slight solubility. The products are dihydroxyethylsulphide, which is harmless, and hydrochloric acid: (ClCH2CH2)2S+2H20 = (H0CH2CH2)2S+2HCl It was originally thought that mustard was hydrolysed inside cells and it was the HCl produced that caused the damage. It is now known that the mustard damages the cell’s DNA causing the cell to self destruct. Some sulphonated oils accelerate the rate of hydrolysis, both by increasing the rate of solution and the solubility of the mustard gas. Alkalis also increase the rate of hydrolysis. Oxidizing agents destroy mustard gas. This reaction was made use of practically in that solid bleaching powder was early introduced as a means of destroying mustard gas in the field. Since most of the World War I chemical agents had identifiable unique odours, the sense of smell was the best detector of the presence of chemical agents. For example, troops learned that German mustard agent smelled like mustard. Allied mustard agent smelled like garlic. Gas scouts were trained and positioned so as to provide advance warning to the main trench line of an incoming gas cloud. When the troops already had their masks on and needed to check for chemical agents, they had to perform what became known as the sniff test. This involved pulling the edge of the gas mask away from the face to allow outside air to enter the mask. If a chemical agent was present, the specific odour would alert the soldier to remain masked. Unfortunately, the sniff test was inaccurate for low levels of chemical vapour. In addition, after conducting the sniff test for several hours, a soldier would gradually lose his ability to detect low levels of mustard agent. Of course, in high levels of mustard agent, the sniff test was extremely dangerous. The dangers of the sniff test led to the Chemical Warfare Service’s Research Division testing several concepts for a vapour field detector that did not involve removing the gas mask. The Copper Flame Test Lantern was based upon halogen compounds burning with a green flame in the presence of copper. The process involved air passed through the suspected soil and then over copper oxide gauze heated by a Bunsen lamp burning acetylene. The mustard agent decomposed and the halogen reacted with the copper oxide gauze to produce a blue-green flame. Several versions of the lantern were developed that included a lantern, a Bunsen burner, a bulb aspirator, a tripod, and testing equipment. The test took anywhere from 2-10 minutes, but was not specific to mustard agent. The Selenious Acid Field Detector utilized the concept that a dilute solution of selenious acid produced an orange coloured suspension of selenium after contact with mustard agent. Selenious acid was prepared by mixing selenium dioxide with sulphuric acid. One of the more interesting ways to obtain the vaporous was a device attached to a standard gas mask that allowed the soldier to pull the vapour into the detector by his own breath. This required inhaling repeatedly for anywhere from 30 seconds to 15 minutes depending upon the concentration of the mustard agent. This process was described as being “very sensitive to low concentration of mustard gas vapours.” The problems with the detector were that it failed to detect large concentrations of some chemical warfare agents and could not differentiate between those agents it could detect. The Iodine Pentoxide Test heated iodine pentoxide in a tube to oxidise mustard agent vapour and give off iodine. A strip of moist starch paper then detected the iodine. To avoid having to heat the tube, the Iodic Acid Test was developed for field use. The Hydrogen Sulfide Field Detector involved a test that absorbed mustard agent vapour, decomposed it at a high temperature, and then tested for hydrogen sulphide on lead acetate filter paper. The device was similar to the Selenious Acid Field Detector and used a gas mask to pull an air sample into a quartz tube with an absorbent. A good sample required about five minutes of heavy breathing. The absorbent was then placed in a tube with the lead acetate filter paper and heated with a gasoline blow torch for about two minutes. The test was believed to be specific to mustard agent and could detect the agent on the ground even nine days after contamination. A comparable sniff test nine days after contamination found “The odour of mustard gas was detectable . . .only when the nose was brought very close to the ground.” None of these field detectors were perfected before the end of the war. During the war, Chemical Warfare Service researchers at American University Experimental Station in Washington, DC, copied German work involving the use of dyestuffs that changed colour when in contact with mustard agent. The Germans began painting their mustard shells with the paint and thus had an instantaneous leak detection capability, although other oils had the same effect. The Germans also put the paint on the end of a long stick that could be used to test for mustard agent in a captured trench prior to entry. A German deserter, however, reported that reliance on this test alone often resulted in casualties. American researchers developed a linseed oil paint and a du Pont lacquer/linseed oil enamel paint, both of which turned from yellow to red within four seconds of contact with mustard agent. This research, however, was incomplete by the end of the war. Although dogs, pigeons, and canaries could be used to alert soldiers to the presence of toxic chemical agents, one of the more interesting investigations was that of using snails and slugs as chemical agent detectors. The objective was to find an organism that reacted differently to various gases. American researchers reported that “by combining observations on the tentacles, slime production and movements of the organism as a whole, it is possible with a little experience to tell with some degree of accuracy the kind of gas used, and in the case of chloropicrin and mustard gas distinguish certain concentrations of those gases.” When a prominent French physiologist was asked to research this possibility, he burst out laughing when told it was the edible kind of snail and said French soldiers would eat the snails first. A test was conducted using French snails, but the conclusion was that the foreign snails were more conservative in their impulse to wave their tentacles. Tiger Slugs, which were a bit more sensitive and more resistant to mustard agent, were also investigated, but like the snail, became “useless” after repeated exposures to mustard agent. The final conclusion was that it “would appear unsafe to place too much reliance on their immediate behaviour when placed in the presence of mustard gas in the field. With the establishment of mustard agent as the “King of the Battlefield” during World War I, the need for a mustard agent detector was one of the greatest unfulfilled needs of the war. Augustin Prentiss, a lieutenant colonel in the Chemical Warfare Service, summed up the state of mustard agent detectors during the war and immediately afterwards: At first the only method of detecting mustard gas was through the sense of smell. At that time it was believed that concentrations which could not be detected in this way were harmless. Later this proved not to be the case. Gas scouts were trained and positioned so as to provide advance warning to the main trench line of an incoming gas cloud. When the troops already had their masks on and needed to check for chemical agents, they had to perform what became known as the sniff test. This involved pulling the edge of the gas mask away from the face to allow outside air to enter the mask. If a chemical agent was present, the specific odour would alert the soldier to remain masked. Unfortunately, the sniff test was inaccurate for low levels of chemical vapour. In addition, after conducting the sniff test for several hours, a soldier would gradually lose his ability to detect low levels of mustard agent. Mustard is harmful even in low concentrations that the MK 1 nose cannot detect. Of course, in high levels of mustard agent, the sniff test was extremely dangerous. The Germans are said to have had plates covered with a yellow composition which had the property of turning black in the presence of mustard gas. These plates were lowered into the bottom of recently captured trenches and if, after a few minutes, they turned black mustard agent was present. According to a deserter's statement, however, reliance upon this test resulted in casualties in several instances. The same yellow material was also painted on the ogive of the mustard agent shell and was useful in detecting leaks. A white paint was also reported which turned red in the presence of mustard gas. This colour change was not characteristic as tests made by the US Army showed that other oils (aniline, turpentine, linseed) were found to produce the same effect. Augustin Prentiss, a lieutenant colonel in the US Chemical Warfare Service, summed up the state of mustard agent detectors during the war and immediately afterwards: The impossibility of detecting mustard gas in the field and the insidious action of this gas, which causes no noticeable symptoms until several hours after exposure, resulted in thousands of casualties in the war which might have been prevented had there been any positive means of detecting mustard and warning troops of its presence. The great importance of this problem caused much effort to be expended in attempts to devise a reliable chemical detector which was practicable for use at the front, but these efforts proved fruitless and the problem still remains unsolved. On September 26, 1917, General John J. Pershing, Commander of the American Expeditionary Force (AEF) in Europe, sent the War Department a cable stating: “Send at once Chemical Laboratory complete with equipment and personnel, including physiological and pathological sections, for extensive investigations of gases and powders. . . The laboratory. . .is for local emergency investigations to meet the constant changes in gases and powders used by the enemy and by ourselves.” The inability to conduct chemical analysis for frontline troops over 4,000 miles of telegram cable led to the establishment of a European chemical laboratory near the front in 1918. The equipment for the laboratory weighed over 110 tons and consisted of over 1,300 boxes. It took eight freight cars to move the material. This laboratory, located at Puteaux, France, near Paris, proved a great asset to the Chemical Warfare Service. Staffed with chemists, one of the key jobs of the laboratory was identifying new chemical agents used against American soldiers (photograph shows a machine used to open German chemical shells for analysis). Although it was not mobile, it provided basic chemical analytical capabilities to the American Expeditionary Force in Europe and eventually led to the concept of the field laboratory. In December 1933, the Chief of the Chemical Warfare Service recognized that the Army desperately needed a chemical agent detector by requesting that a military requirement be established. In 1934, the Chemical Warfare Service prepared a military requirement for a chemical agent detector. This was visualized as an item that could: “detect with great rapidity the presence of one chemical agent in the atmosphere, primarily mustard gas, in the presence of other chemical agents.” The fruition of this project would take several years. The US Chemical Warfare Service was able to develop an enamel and an oil paint which were very sensitive detectors of mustard gas. Both of these were yellow and became dark red in contact with mustard gas. The change was practically instantaneous. The enamel consisted of chrome yellow as pigment mixed with oil scarlet and another dye, and a lacquer vehicle, which is essentially a solution of nitrocellulose in amyl acetate. One gallon of this enamel would cover 946,500 sq. cm., or a surface equivalent to a band 3 cm. wide on 12,500 seven cm. shell. The paint was composed of a mixture of 50 per cent raw linseed oil and 50 per cent Japan drier, with the above dye mixture added to the required consistency. In contact with liquid mustard agent, it changed to a deep crimson in 4 seconds. Furthermore, in contact with arsenicals, the paint changed to a colour varying from deep purple to dark green, the colour change being almost instantaneous and very sensitive, even to the vapours of these compounds. Other substances had no effect upon the paint. .M1 Field Laboratory The establishment of a chemical laboratory in Europe during World War I proved the value of a front-line chemical analysis capability. Starting in 1929, the Chemical Warfare Service began work on designing a field chemical laboratory that could provide onsite analysis and identification of chemical warfare agents. The result of this project was the M1 Field Laboratory, standardized in 1936. Although it was not intended as a mobile reconnaissance system, it could be assembled and disassembled for set-up at semi-permanent sites near the front. The unit consisted of 88-foot lockers, 20 boxes, and 15 crates, totalling 21,000 pounds. Seven trucks were required to move the laboratory. Eleven of the units were procured during World War II. The size of the laboratory proved too bulky for easy movement. In one test where a laboratory was sent to the Pacific Theater, there was a 60% loss of equipment due to breakage. The M1 Laboratory was eventually replaced by the M2 Base Laboratory during World War II and was obsoleted in 1946. M4 Mustard Agent Vapor Detector Kit The 1934 requirements for a chemical agent detector were not met until World War II. The first standardized item was the M4 Vapor Detector Kit, which could detect even faint concentrations of mustard agent. The M4 HS Vapor Detector Kit was standardized in 1942. The key to its detection capability was a new reagent, designated DB3, discovered in 1941. DB3 reacted with mustard agent to give an intense colour change. The kit consisted of 36 detector tubes, a rubber sampling bulb, developing solution, DB3 reagent, and matches, all stored in a wooden box. To detect mustard agent, contaminated air was drawn through a tube containing silica gel impregnated with the reagent DB3. The tube was then heated until a red dot temperature indicator on the tube turned yellow. After cooling, a few drops of solution were added. If mustard agent vapour was present, the solution would produce a blue colour, with the intensity of the colour reflective of the concentration of the agent. The kit could also detect high concentrations of chloracetophenone (CN) and cyanogen chloride (CK) agents in the air. Over 41,000 of the kits were assembled between 1942-1943. The kit was reclassified as limited standard in 1943 when the better M9 Detector Kit was standardized. It was finally obsoleted in 1945. M5 Liquid Detector Paint In early 1941, the Chemical Warfare Service investigated British detector paint similar to the dye-based ones developed during World War I. This one, however, used a blue dye designated B-1 that turned red when liquid drops of mustard agent reacted with it. Although effective as a detector, the paint was not standardized due to some of the ingredients being unavailable. Additional research established that other colours could be added to the blue dye, yet it would still turn red when exposed to liquid mustard agent. This concept eventually led to the development of M5 Liquid Vesicant Detector Paint that was standardized in 1942. The paint was olive drab and could be painted on a surface. It completely dried in about five hours and was effective up to a month. Contact with liquid mustard agent resulted in a red spot, although decontaminating agent and protective ointment could cause a false reaction. Over 7.8 million 4-ounce cans of the paint were procured during World War II. After the war, it was found that the paint also reacted similarly to nerve agents. M5 Detector Paint was obsoleted in 1956. M6 Liquid Detector Paper The British developed their B-1 dye based detector paint for use on paper that could be stuck on the end of a bayonet and used as a probe. The Chemical Warfare Service took the M5 Detector Paint and applied it to light Bristol board, cut it up in small pieces, and bound them in a booklet form which was standardized as M6 Liquid Agent Detector Paper in 1942. Over 1.1 million books of 25 sheets were procured during the World War II. The paper functioned similar to Detector Paint and required liquid mustard agent to fall on the paper to react. After the war, the paper was found to detect nerve agents in a similar manner. M6 Liquid Agent Detector Paper was obsoleted in 1963. M6A1 Liquid Vesicant Detector Paper The original size of the M6 Liquid Detector Paper sheets, five-inch square, proved too large. A smaller sheet size version, designated M6A1 Liquid Vesicant Detector Paper, was standardized in 1954. It could detect G-agents in addition to mustard agent. Almost 40,000 of the M6A1 books were procured during the 1960s. M6A1 Paper was obsoleted in 1996. M8 Chemical Agent Detector Paper M8 (E57) Chemical Agent Detector Paper was standardized in 1963. The paper was a Canadian development and came in 25 4-inch by 2-1/2-inch sheets inside a booklet perforated for easy removal. The paper reacted with liquid chemical agents by turning dark blue for V-agents, yellow for G-agents, or red for mustard agent. A colour chart on the inside cover of the booklet provided samples of the responses. One problem with the paper was that some less dangerous liquids gave positive responses. In addition to the United States, most NATO countries procured M8 Paper. M7 Detector Crayon The need for a detection capability that could detect mustard agent already on a leaking chemical shell or other surfaces resulted in the concept of the detector crayon. B-1 dye proved inappropriate for this use, so the Chemical Warfare Service switched to Impregnite I and congo red dye. These materials were held in the shape of a crayon by a wax, initially Johnson’s “Glocoat.” Further improvements led to the use of different types of wax. The crayon could be rubbed on a surface or crumbled and then sprinkled over a suspected contaminated surface. Upon contact with mustard agent, the pink colour of the crayon turned blue. Unfortunately, the test was not specific to mustard agent since other vesicants and some acids would also give a positive result. Nitrogen mustards, however, produced no immediate response although the crayon would latter turn yellow. During the war, 12 crayons were packed in a standard carton. Later, only three crayons were packed in a screw-top metal can. The M7 Vesicant Detector Crayon was standardized in 1942. Over 600,000 packs of the crayons were procured during World War II. After the war, it was discovered that the crayon also reacted with nerve agents, turning yellow instead of blue. The Army procured 300,000 packs of the crayons after the war. The M7 Crayon was obsoleted in 1965. M7A1 Detector Crayon The M7A1 Vesicant Detector Crayon was standardized in 1949 for use with the M9A1 Chemical Agent Detector Kit. It was a shorter than the M7 version to fit in the M9A1 Kit, but otherwise was essentially the same and could detect both mustard and nerve agents. The Army procured over 300,000 packs of the crayons. M10 Chemical Agent Analyser Kit During the war, there was a need for a kit for collecting more complete data and samples of agent in the field by chemical laboratory units than was possible with the smaller M9 Detector Kit. At the same time, there was a requirement for a small compact laboratory that could be used by technical intelligence teams and that could be carried in a standard cargo truck. These duel requirements were partially met by the standardization of the M10 (E10) Chemical Agent Analyser Kit in 1945 for use with M3 Mobile Laboratory. The kit was designed for use by a technician trained in chemistry and therefore was not issued to field troops. It could detect most chemical warfare agents except nerve agents, by using detector tubes, detector papers, and detector solutions. It came in a metal box that weighed 26 pounds. The Chemical Corps procured only 45 of the kits. The M10 Kit was obsoleted in 1952 when the M10A1 Kit replaced it. M11 Smoke Identification Kit The need for a high quality smoke identification kit for use with M3 Mobile Laboratory resulted in the standardization of the M11 (E11) Smoke Identification Kit in 1945. Similar to the M10 Kit, it was designed for use by chemical technicians or other specially trained personnel. The kit could identify most toxic smokes and other non toxic smokes. The complete kit came in a metal box and weighed 24 pounds. Only about 80 of the kits were assembled. Although the kit met its requirement, there was little concern for identifying non-lethal smokes in the field and the M11 Kit was obsoleted in 1956. M12 Agent Sampling Kit The M12 (E12) Agent Sampling Kit was standardized in 1945 for use with the M3 Mobile Chemical Laboratory. Although it was designed only to collect liquid or solid agent samples of persistent agents in the field, it also contained detector paper for more immediate identification. The sampling bottles and storage containers were stored in a metal box. The Kit was designed only for use by technically trained operators. Only seven kits were procured during the war. Between 1951-1961, the Army procured 347 kits and the Air Force 37 kits. The M34 Refill Kit for the M19 CBR KIT replaced the M12 Kit. The M12 Kit was obsoleted in 1967. Halide Photometer Automatic Chemical Alarm During World War II, the concept of an automatic chemical agent alarm was continuously studied, but not perfected by the end of the war. The Halide Photometer Alarm was about 30-inches long by 10-inches wide and 12-inches high. It required a hydrogen cylinder also. The detector used a Beilstein lamp attached to a photoelectric cell. When halides burned in the flame of the lamp, copper halide was formed and burned a green colour. By using coloured filters, a photoelectric cell was sensitized to the green colour. Upon activation, the cell closed a circuit that set off an alarm. Edgewood Arsenal developed three test units and installed them in the Mustard Agent Plant at Rocky Mountain Arsenal. One unit activated immediately due to contamination already present. The only way to continue with the test was to decontaminate the portions of the plant that were contaminated. The primary problem with the concept was that the detector lacked sensitivity and selectivity between chemical agents. Due to these problems, the unit was never standardized. The Germans had developed nerve agents during World War II and the United States called them “G agents.” The requirement for an automatic nerve agent alarm was formalized in 1947. The objective was to develop an automatic detection system that detected the odourless and colourless nerve agents. After detection, the system then was required to sound an alarm. Although several projects were initiated immediately, it would take another decade to actually standardize an automatic nerve agent alarm. M2 Base Chemical Laboratory During World War II, the concept of taking a chemical laboratory into the field led to the standardization of the M2 Base Chemical Laboratory in 1944. The purpose of the laboratory was to equip Chemical Laboratory Companies sent overseas to permit examination, evaluation, and identification of materiel and equipment pertinent to chemical warfare. The equipment was packed in 65 containers and weighed over 20,000 pounds. The packaging crates were designed to create laboratory benches. It was intended for semi-permanent installation.Only 12 of the M2 Laboratories were procured during the war. The M2 Laboratory was obsoleted in 1986. M3 Mobile Chemical Laboratory In attempt to create a more mobile laboratory, the Chemical Warfare Service standardized the M3 (E1) Mobile Chemical Laboratory in 1944. This unit, when packed, consisted of 16 crates and weighed about 3,200 pounds. It could be carried in a standard truck, but still required unloading and setup before beginning laboratory operations. The reduced size limited its chemical analysis capability, but it was intended to operate in combat zones and refer more complicated analysis back to the nearest M2 Base Chemical Laboratory. It included inorganic and organic analysis sections, a chemical microscopy section, a general testing section for protective equipment, an engineering section that include a remote control portable shell tapping device and an intelligence section. Only four were procured during the war and three afterwards. The M2A1 Laboratory and the M19 CBR Sampling and Analysing Kit replaced the M3 Laboratory during the1960’s.The M3 Laboratory was obsoleted in 1965.

The 2nd Polish Wing was assigned to 2nd TAF and the intention was they would move/operate from the Continent after the invasion. That changed when ADGB requested Mustang squadrons to deal with the V1 threat. At the beginning of July the 2nd Polish wing transferred to ADGB. Invasion stripes were removed to reduce drag. Photographs of 316 Mustangs at this time seem to be virtually non-existent. However, the Polish Air Force Film Unit did visit 315 Squadron several times in the period June - August. The photos and film that they took show the squadron’s mustangs had roughly applied invasion stripes at the end of June, beginning of July. By August they had gone. I cannot invent any sophistries that similar did not happen with 316 Squadron.

FB179 PKC with 315 Sqn April - May 1944. Lost Ramrod 898 20/5 F/O Stanislaw Calinski-Cap killed. For 316 Sqn I can find two coded 'C', FB227 and FZ190.

No 2 polish Fighter Wing began to organise at Exeter early August 191 and formed on the 18th of that month. The wing comprised of 317 Sqn at Exeter and 302 and 316 Sqns at Church Stanton. The prime tast was to provide daytime protection to the South Coast ports and Exeter. The wing made its first operation at 3 squadron strength on the 4th September taking off from Warmwell under the command of S/Ldr Stefan Witorzeńc, flying high escort for 6 Blenheims on Gudgeon VI - an attack on ships and docks at Cherbourg. 302 Squdron engaged Messerschmitts over the target area, Witorzeńc accounting for one destroyed and Kazimierz Sporny one probable.

see:

EN398 was flown by Johnson April to Sept 1943. The Js had round bottoms. MK392 was the the Spitfire he flew June - Aug 1944. Photos of it show that it had Js with flat bottoms and serifs. His spare Spitfire was coded JEJJR which had codes in the same style as MK392. There is some controversy over it and no photographs show the serial number which is usually given as MK329. I think MK828 is a spitfire that was photographed (publicity) carrying beer barrels and has been mistaken as Johnson’s Spitfire. See: https://www.britmodeller.com/forums/index.php?/topic/234942632-whatever-happened-to-mk329-jejjr/

It was his spare aircraft which he didn't fly very much.

Polish Fighting Colours vol 1, page 15, says Nobiles Company supplied paints to Lublin. A factory specification for painting the Lublin R-XIII has also survived that includes colour numbers from the Nobiles chip chart and in some cases with colour names, Unfortunately it does not list them. Agama produced a number of Polish colours tfor the Jadar Shop. These now seem to be discontinued. This is the only one left now; https://www.jadarhobby.pl/agama-p07-polish-ochre-aircraft-paint-p-7749.html There was an olive green and a bright light blue as well as a Sky like colour for the Naval air arm.

Never seen any mention of Bulgaria receiving P.24Fs apart from Wiki which looks like a confusion with the P.43s they received June/|July 1939. There was a P.24J intended for Bulgaria, the prototype was destroyed by bombing in Sept 1939.

Post war the codes were white.

The change of name from Post Office Red to Cherry Red was due to confusion. The Post Office use three shades of red: BS537 Signal Red for signs (plus BS356 Golden Yellow), BS538 Cherry Red for Street Furniture, BS539 Currant Red for Vehicles.

The white markings were applied for Operation Rutter, the original Dieppe Operation, that was cancelled at the last minute beacuase of weather and the forces in the Channel being dectected by the Germans. https://www.iwm.org.uk/collections/item/object/1060021075#.WfTA4dmsvrg.facebook

This, and a number of other films made by the Polish Air Force Film Unit can be found on the Polish Squadrons Remembered site: http://www.polishsquadronsremembered.com/ Put your pointer on 'much more' and click on movies. They do not play on line, you have to download them. Click on the picture/icon and the save to window will come up. Most of the links to Pathe News no longer work.